Reform’s First 100 Days in Power: A top expert weighs in on what to expect

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A note from Matt.

This newsletter has already become the main place in British politics for those who want to make sense of the rise of Reform, the realignment of our politics, the immigration crisis, and the emergence of an entirely new policy agenda.

We have consistently been ahead of the curve.

Now, with a new year in Westminster about to commence, we will be publishing more and more exclusive content on what awaits a potential Reform government —key policies, key developments, key ideas, key obstacles, key opportunities.

Why?

Because I genuinely believe, strongly, that British politics is about to be completely overturned and so the primary task for everybody who cares about this country, whether they support Reform or not, is to be prepared for this change.

Speaking frankly, I also believe that the state, the establishment, the elite class, will now go to war with Reform and try to block anything and everything, and so fleshing out in detail a potential programme for government and what is needed to overcome this will be absolutely key. So, increasingly, along with our other content, we will be publishing pieces that speak to the need to do this urgently.

Which is why, today, we have a top policy and legal brain, who I rate highly, Amarjeet Johal, to throw light on what would await Prime Minister Nigel Farage during his First 100 Days in power.

Trust me, this man knows his stuff. Enjoy.

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Ever since Matt Goodwin’s insightful post back in January on how the UK could learn from President Trump —‘MAGA: the UK Version’—President Trump has served seven months in the White House and, by all accounts, has pleased his voters.

Trump has a pretty consistent 90% approval rating among Republicans. And so, with Trump’s First 100 Days now in the rearview mirror, it’s worth revisiting the importance of preparing for government here in the UK, especially with the latest polls suggesting a strong victory for Reform at the next general election

In America, the task of preparing for the First 100 Days in power is managed incredibly carefully. It is very detailed work.

This is partly a system difference as, unlike here in Britain, America has a long and formalised transition period, from early November to 20 January the following year, when the incoming administration prepares to start with a bang.

In America, the number of political appointees at the gift of a new administration is also much larger, in the thousands, with roughly 1,200 subject to confirmation by the Senate. In short, the system is set up to encourage an incoming government to prepare policy, personnel and legislation.

In Britain, it is the opposite.

A victorious future Prime Minister, say a victorious Nigel Farage, would be expected to form a government the day after the general election.

He or she will normally bring in around 250 people into government —just 100 ministers and around the same number of special advisers, with maybe a handful of other political appointees (such as advisers on ministerial standards).

We have also gone back to having no consistent timetable for general elections, which makes this even more complicated. After the abolition of fixed-term parliaments, a parliament can last for a maximum of five years but calling an early election is now in the gift of the King (on the advice of his Prime Minister).

Even when a general election is imminent, the incumbent Prime Minister will pick the date that suits the governing party best (as Rishi Sunak tried to do in 2024).

This forces opposition leaders to be reactive and focused on what is in the short-term, such as campaigning, rather than planning their government agenda in detail.

When a general election is called, opposition parties will then spend the roughly five-week short campaign frantically finalising candidate lists, topping and tailing their manifestos, and – of course – trying to win votes. While there may be ‘access talks’ between opposition parties and the civil service, these are not typically productive.

The consequence of this lack of preparation has been painfully obvious with the current Labour Government, with Keir Starmer reportedly delegating preparation entirely to Sue Gray, who has since departed, and Labour, in short, appearing chaotic.

Labour’s attitude was seemingly underlain by the lazy assumption that the problem was the Conservatives, not undeveloped policy or the Whitehall machine.

Examples of this preparation having been done well are few and far between.

The incoming New Labour Government in 1997 had done a lot of preparation for their Windfall Tax on utilities, and – off the back of David Cameron’s policy commissions – some of the 2010 Coalition Government’s ministers were very well prepared for their brief. However, we have a lot to learn from the Americans.

The need for preparation is also more acute for politicians on the right because The Blob will be instinctively opposed to a Reform-style agenda, which will include tough positions on law and order, ending mass uncontrolled immigration, overturning Net Zero, leaving the European Convention on Human Rights, and so on.

All this flies in the face of what The Blob wants and supports.

Years and political capital would be spent trying to get government lawyers to draft legislation slaying sacred cows such as the Human Rights Act, the Climate Change Act, and, of course, preparing to leave the European Convention on Human Rights.

Civil servants would go slow or even refuse to draft it on the pretence that doing so would put them in breach of the Civil Service Code (they tried the same line against the Rwanda policy, which civil servants similarly loathed).

This ‘resistance’ would potentially be a long period where you’d be prevented from implementing a new immigration or energy policy – and be buffeted by the harsh winds of public opinion whilst powerless to do what you’ve promised your voters.

This means planning needs to address constitution and civil service reform.

These unsexy topics are often ignored in favour of flashier policy areas, but an incoming, say, Reform government would need to establish control over the machinery of government before it can even consider doing anything else.

The House of Lords, notably, can amend legislation out of all recognition and delay legislation for up to one year before the new government would be able to use the overrides in the Parliament Act. Undoing Blair’s changes to the constitution and taming the Supreme Court might be the toughest legislation to pass of all.

So, what does being well prepared for government look like here in Britain? Let me tell you what, say, a Reform or Reform-led government should be thinking about …

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