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Last year, I asked an anonymous, right-leaning twenty-something member of Generation-Z to write a column on politics. That column went viral and subsequent pieces have become some of our most read. For that reason, I asked Anon Zoomer to keep writing on a semi-regular basis.

Since before I was born, white British people have been on a trajectory to becoming a minority within our own homeland by the end of this century.

This is not some sordid conspiracy or alarmist scaremongering. It is a well-established demographic fact that was even published in The Guardian back in 2000.

As explained then, this unprecedented demographic shift ‘would be the first time in history that a major indigenous population has voluntarily become a minority, rather than through war, famine or disease’.

The prediction a quarter-century ago was that it would take until the end of this century for the White British to become a minority.

But what the latest research by Professor Matt Goodwin suggests is this threshold will be passed much sooner than previously predicted, in the year 2063.

And White Britons under the age of 40, like me, will become a minority among their peers even earlier, around the year 2050, if not sooner, based on current trends.

For older generations, especially the Baby Boomers, 2063 may seem incredibly distant.

But for my generation - the Zoomers - it means we’ll become a minority in Britain before reaching retirement age.

The issue is therefore not abstract for us, but all too real. Unless something radical changes in British politics – and changes soon – then the Britain we will grow old in will simply look and feel nothing like the Britain we were born into, let alone the Britain that our ancestors would recognise.

It’s a trend that we’ve been aware of our whole lives and one that we are reminded of everyday just by looking around – yet it is also one that Britain’s elite class, the people who rule over us, refuse to acknowledge.

London, Birmingham, and Manchester are in fact already ‘majority-minority’ cities, with White Britons representing 36%, 43%, and 48% of those cities, respectively.

In London, just …

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If you’ve spent any time on social media recently then you will have probably come across the above meme.

It captures the complete and utter frustration that many young Zoomers like me, from Generation-Z, now feel.

At the centre of the ‘Social Contract Meme’ is a young man named Nick, an exasperated 30-year-old who has simply had enough.

Nick is an archetype of the young urban professional. He is just trying to get by —working hard, playing by the rules, keeping himself to himself, hoping to build a life where he can find genuine prosperity.

But around Nick are all the growing social obligations and pressures that are now being thrust upon him, and many other young Zoomers like him, by our hapless, self-interested, neglectful and utterly disconnected political class.

On one side, there is the money that Nick is forced to give up to the developing world and its progeny —a transfer away from Nick to things like the foreign aid budget, to support people overseas, and also to the rapidly rising number of immigrants here in Britain, most of whom now come from outside Europe and many of whom are now breaking our laws to enter Britain illegally.

This is represented by ‘Karim’, emblematic of a new urban underclass which parties on both the Left and Right, both Labour and Tory, have created through a mix of welfare largesse, the extreme policy of mass immigration, failing to integrate newcomers into wider society, and instil in them a sense of social responsibility.

Through a generous welfare system, Nick’s money is transferred away from him to the likes of Karim, who lives on benefits, engages in gang violence and drug-dealing, lives in social housing, and sends more of Nick’s money outside of the country to the developing world in the form of remittances, all of which further erodes the social contract here in Britain.

At the same time, on the other side of the meme, Nick is also under pressure from a social contract which demands that his taxes are used to help sustain financially secure if not affluent Baby Boomer pensioners, like ‘Simon & Linda’.

Nick and Zoomers like him fund the pensioner class via the state through the state pension and healthcare spending, as well as through a broken property market that has allowed Baby Boomers, many of whom also retired on final-salary pensions, to snap up houses for a fraction of what they cost today and then make a fortune as the value of their homes surged, not least as governments printed more money.

Off Nick’s back, Simon and Linda can now sit back and enjoy their golden years, cruising around the world, voting for politicians who promise to maintain if not expand their financial benefits, and opposing the construction of new homes.

At the same time, Simon and Linda, who are ensconced in wealthy neighbourhoods and no longer active in the labour market, also belong to the luxury belief class, no longer having to endure the negative effects of policies they aggressively advocate to feel good about themselves in debates with fellow retirees, like mass immigration, which fall disproportionately on workers like Nick, who have to compete for jobs and housing amid managed decline.

Most tellingly, all of the arrows point in one direction – away from Nick.

Though he is forced to give much to others, including growing numbers of people from outside his national community, he receives little or nothing back in return.

Of course, like all memes, the story the social contract tells is necessarily reductive.

Some immigrants fall closer to the predicament of Nick than Karim, and many pensioners are struggling to get by —living a life of austere survival rather than opulence, especially now that Labour has taken aware their winter fuel payments.

But the popularity of the meme, which now has spin-offs in many other countries, speaks to the fact that for young Zoomers like me, who are just trying to play by the rules and get by, it often feels as though the system is treating us with utter contempt.

Nick is us, and we are Nick.

And, like Nick, we feel that the social contract in Britain, like the social contract that confronts our counterparts in many other nations, is completely rotten.

We simply cannot take it much longer, as the growing number of us who are rejecting the old parties for radical anti-establishment alternatives reveals.

The rottenness of the social contract is felt most acutely by Zoomer professionals, like me, who are living in London.

Due to the economic hollowing out that has befallen much of Britain, our capital city …

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Earlier this year, I asked an anonymous, right-leaning member of Generation-Z to write a column. That column, written by somebody in their twenties, went viral and subsequent pieces by Anonymous Zoomer are among our most read to date. For that reason, I asked them to keep writing for us on a regular basis. I will never reveal their true identity.

During Donald Trump’s viral interview with podcaster Joe Rogan last Friday, the former president expressed optimism at how “conservatism is getting younger”. Looking back at Trump, Rogan replied: “The rebels are Republican now”.

They have a point. While Kamala Harris and the Democrats still lead Trump among young Americans, there does appear to have been a shift toward Trump among young men like me —male Zoomers from Generation-Z, born from the mid-1990s, who appear to be lining up behind the MAGA revolt in larger numbers than in the past.

Just look at the polls.

Over the last four years, according to research at Harvard, men under 30 have shifted by a net 14-points toward the Republicans. A recent Times/Siena poll puts Trump on 58% among young men to Kamala Harris’ 37%, suggesting Trump will do much better next week among young men than he did four years ago, when he won 41%.

And Kamala while Harris has made gains among young women, who’ve been drifting left for a while (she is a staggering 40-points ahead of Trump among Zoomer women), she’s either static or losing ground among young men.

Now, there’s some debate about this among pollsters; while some say these shifts represent the arrival of an enormous and historic ‘gender gap’, the likes of which we’ve never seen before, others say this shift is exaggerated and that we’ll only really know how many young men support Trump after the election on Tuesday.

But either way, what’s beyond doubt is that in recent years young Zoomer women are much more likely to have moved in larger numbers behind the left-wing Democrats while young men are more likely to have stood still or turned right.

Young American women, note Gallup, are now 20-30 points more socially liberal than their male counterparts, while similar trends are visible in the UK, Germany, and South Korea. The Economist notes that the ‘gender gap’ between women who identify as “very liberal” and men who identify as “very conservative” is now twice the size of the ‘education gap’ between people who have a degree and those who do not. The American Enterprise Institute similarly points out that, since 2016, the share of young men identifying as Democrat has collapsed by 12-points to just 39%.

What’s going on? Why are many young men like me planning to vote for Trump next week? Many commentators will tell you they are rebelling against how the new cultural zeitgeist in the West routinely portrays young White men as inherently problematic, if not dangerous —as Andrew Tate figures suffering from ‘toxic masculinity’, misogyny, MAGA extremism, and wanting to transform the West into some kind of oppressive patriarchy that looks something like The Handmaid’s Tale.

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Young men rebelling against these crude stereotypes might be part of the story but as a member of Gen-Z myself I think there’s a lot more going on. While you won’t hear much about this from the elite class, I think young men like me actually have some good and entirely legitimate reasons for wanting to push back against an elite consensus in American and indeed Western politics that has cut men adrift.

Look, for a start, at the top concerns for young men at this election —the economy and immigration. The two are linked. More than 7 million illegal immigrants have crossed the southern border into America, illegally, since Joe Biden and Kamala Harris took office in 2020. This is an astonishing number. It is larger than the population of 36 of America’s states.

The House Judiciary Committee, furthermore, recently revealed that almost one million illegal migrants received de facto amnesty by having their immigration cases dismissed, terminated, administratively closed, or never being filed in the first place, allowing them to remain in the country for the foreseeable future. Last year, it was estimated that the cost of this disastrous border policy was some $150 billion.

As Marco Rubio wrote recently, in an essay for Compact Magazine, the sheer scale of this immigration crisis is one of two things that have directly hit and undermined the fortunes of American men, who are not only much less likely than their father’s and grandfather’s to enter the workforce, find decent-paying jobs, build a family, contribute to their community and nation, but are also much more likely than their ancestors to fall into depression, loneliness, alcoholism, drug abuse, and suicide.

American men, notes Rubio, have been smashed apart by what became known as “productive offshoring”, or what Matt Goodwin calls “hyper-globalization”, whereby an alliance of the elite class and global corporations colluded to export well-paid, secure, and status-raising jobs overseas so that they can exploit cheap migrant labour and non-existing environmental regulations in other parts of the globe, all while presenting this as the “progressive”, “responsible” or “open” way forward.

At the same time, they’ve also been hit by how the very same people in the elite class and big business imported masses of low-skill, low-wage immigrants into America (like they are doing in Britain), whose arrival allows the same global corporations to further exploit cheap migrant labour here in the West, thereby keeping their costs low, profits high, and further undercutting the role, position, and status of men.

The elite class, Rubio writes:

“… established one-sided “free trade” with Communist China, rewarded offshoring, and spread an open-borders philosophy that captured both major parties, as well as much of Big Labor. Millions of American blue-collar jobs disappeared, and the foreign-born share of the population ballooned out of proportion. The consequences of this for US-born men have been catastrophic. The percentage of prime-age men working or looking for work is close to what it was in 1940, in the throes of the Great Depression. Meanwhile, one economist estimates that by 2016, immigrants “increased the size of the low-skilled workforce by roughly 25 percent.” 

While Zoomer men like me might have not have been directly impacted by these very deliberate political choices, many of us will have watched these changes blow apart the lives of our fathers, neighbours, and fellow men. We will have heard about how, contrary to what the expert class claimed in the 1990s and 2000s, hyper-globalization and mass immigration have directly undercut the ability of working men to earn a living and protect and provide for our wives, partners, and children.

And then we will have watched Democrat elites and also old guard Republicans berate the very same men as racists, bigots, deplorables, thickoes, and “MAGA extremists” for calling this out, portraying them more like embarrassing members of the American family who should at best be ignored and at worst seen as a major threat to democracy, rather than what they are —concerned citizens who know, first-hand, how the broken elite consensus gutted and hollowed out the national economy.

Sohrab Ahmari, founder and editor of Compact Magazine, has recently made similar points, noting how a self-described …

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Matt Goodwin’s newsletter goes to a community of 67,000 subscribers from 176 countries. Like our stuff? Then for the equivalent of buying us a pint each month become a paying supporter. Help us make a difference while gaining access to everything: the archive, Live with Matt each Friday, exclusive posts, events, discounts, comments and most of all know that you’re supporting independent writers who are challenging the broken status-quo and giving voice to the Forgotten Majority. You can also join us on YouTube, Instagram, TikTok, Twitter/X and Facebook.

Earlier this year, I asked an anonymous, right-leaning member of Generation-Z to write a column on how they see the state of our politics and country. That column, written by somebody in their twenties, went viral and subsequent pieces by Anonymous Zoomer are among our most read to date. For that reason, I asked them to keep writing for us on a regular basis. I will never reveal their true identity.

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Here are five things that happened in the UK and Ireland over the last six months.

First, in January 2024, an Afghan asylum-seeker named Abdul Ezedi threw acid on a mother and her two children, leaving them with ‘life-changing’ injuries. A few years earlier, Ezedi had been convicted of sexual assault and exposing himself. He was placed on the sex offender register for ten years. In 2020, after ‘converting’ to Christianity, a vicar testified for his asylum, which he was granted.

Second, in March 2024, a criminal gang led by Syrian brothers Omar and Mohamed Badreddin was prosecuted for grooming and raping a 13-year-old girl. The girl was raped repeatedly in her own home by the brothers, who moved to the UK as Syrian refugees. The girl was “groomed” with alcohol and cigarettes.

Third, in April 2024, asylum seeker Anicet Mayela pleaded guilty to raping a 15 year old girl in Oxford. Mayela, who had once campaigned outside a detention centre with a sign that read “migrants are not criminals”, had arrived in the UK illegally in 2004. He was due to be deported back to Congo a year later, but members of a cabin crew, who opposed the deportation, stopped the plane from taking off.

Fourth, last month, in July 2024, a 33-year-old male asylum seeker, who could not speak English, was charged with raping a woman at a leisure centre in Ennis, Ireland.

And then, also last month, asylum-seeker Adel Kerai was jailed after sexually assaulting a woman in public, who he had followed around Dublin city centre for thirty minutes. Kerai had only arrived five days earlier from Algeria, where he said he was being discriminated against because of his political beliefs.

What do all these things have in common, aside from having all taken place this year? They are horrific crimes that were committed against women and girls by men who are accustomed to sex-segregated societies, in which there is one rule for men and another rule for women —rules which oppress and objectify young women like me.

These men, put simply, do not subscribe to British values, which champion equality of opportunity between the sexes. And they clearly do not respect our way of life.

Most people in Britain champion these things —I know that most of my friends in Gen-Z certainly do. We are the most liberal generation in history, especially young women who over the last decade have been moving sharply to the cultural left.

We believe, passionately, that women have the same rights as men. We can wear what we like. And we can aspire to do what we like. Britain, in short, should be one of the best places in the world to be a woman.

But this ideal is now under threat. Why?

Because our extreme policy of mass immigration has brought with it a minority of men who have a forceful and very particular contempt for women.

The simple fact is that ongoing mass immigration from mainly Muslim countries is threatening the hard-won rights of women in Western liberal societies.

As others note, over the last fifteen years, nearly 4 million people have entered Europe illegally. Two-thirds of them were men and around 80% of all applicants for asylum were aged under 35 years old. Most came from Muslim states that have very different cultural values, attitudes, and ways of life to our own.

It should not be controversial to point out this basic fact. We should be able to talk openly and candidly about it.

And it’s a similar story in Britain.

Since 2018, the vast majority of the more than 131,000 people who have entered the country illegally, on small boats, are young men from predominantly Muslim countries, like Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan.

Many of these asylum-seekers, obviously, reject violence and criminality. But it is also true that a significant number do not. Why do I say this?

Because, like those cases I mentioned above, there are now simply too many instances of asylum-seekers and illegal migrants sexually assaulting and raping women.

As a young woman who recently moved to London, I can tell you —I’m scared. And so too are many of my young female friends —even if they dare not voice their fears because they will be branded “racist” or “Islamophobic”.

There is now a low-level culture of oppression and intimidation, which we experience on an almost daily basis, on things like public transport and while walking through the most highly diverse neighbourhoods of our capital city.

And we are furious; furious because the elite class is not even willing to talk about it.

Every time another horrific sexual attack on a woman is splashed across the news, everyone – from politicians to police – appear genuinely shocked.

They lay wreaths and flowers. They condemn the violence. But they then do absolutely nothing to confront the nature of the challenge.

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One of the only people who has spoken openly about this problem is scholar Ayaan Hirsi Ali, originally from Somalia, who herself received asylum in the Netherlands.

Her book Prey: Immigration, Islam, and the Erosion of Women’s Rights, is perhaps the only one in recent years to pull back the curtain to discuss this problem openly.

Hirsi Ali argues, convincingly, that not only have women in Europe faced a barrage of sexual harassment, rape and violence since the start of the migration crisis, in 2015, but now also have to navigate the “be kind” klaxon among liberals, whereby the elite class refuse to acknowledge the problem because of fears of being seen as “racist”.

In her own words, Ayaan Hirsi Ali writes:

“Talking about violence by Muslim men against European women is at odds with identity politics and its matrix of victimhood. Politicians, journalists and academics have been reluctant to acknowledge that the migrant sex-crime wave even exists. This is as much an issue of class as religion or race. Much of the crime and misconduct against women takes place in low-income neighbourhoods. Somehow in the era of #MeToo, their predicament arouses less sympathy than that of Hollywood actresses.”

The problem for the elite class is that there have been times when the problem has simply become unavoidable, when it has forced its way into media headlines.

Such as the wave of sexual assaults on New Year’s Eve in Germany, nearly a decade ago —an event my friends and I followed on social media and found utterly shocking.

As Ayaan Hirsi Ali notes, according to German police more than 1,200 women were assaulted, of whom 24 were raped.

Repeating what they call “the rape game” from their home countries, perpetrators operated in gangs, forcing women into concentric circles, and then raping them.

Of the 153 suspects in the city of Cologne, nearly all were foreign, including 103 from Morocco and Algeria. Sixty-eight were asylum seekers.

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How exceptional was this?

It’s difficult to know because, as Ayaan Hirsi Ali notes, many governments in the West are now also working overtime to try and conceal data on the race and ethnicity of people who commit these crimes in their countries.

In Britain, for example, this data is simply not made available.

For young women like me, this is infuriating. If you don’t want people spreading “misinformation” then how about you start by making information available?

What are you scared of?

In the academic literature, too, the vast majority of studies that do exist look mainly at the impact of sexual violence on female asylum-seekers and migrants, rather than the impact on women in the receiving countries, which tells you a lot about the liberal bias that exists within the social sciences and humanities —they don’t want to look.

This makes it difficult to build a reliable picture of what’s going on.

But there have been some notable exceptions, almost all of which, like those examples above, suggest we have a major problem, albeit one that liberals routinely ignore.

Like the study which found that while an influx of refugees is not immediately followed by a surge in crime this does tend to follow one year later, including an upsurge of property crime and violent crime.

Or like the study of the Greek islands, which found that a 1-point increase in the share of refugees on the islands, compared to islands that did not receive any refugees, increased rates of crime —especially property crime, knife attacks, and rapes.

Or like the example of Denmark, as Ayaan Hirsi Ali notes.

“Denmark is unusual for making it relatively easy to distinguish immigrant offenders. Since 2015, the country’s share of immigrants from “non-Western countries,” excluding their Danish-born descendants, has risen from around 5% to 6%. Yet from 2015 to 2019 they have accounted for around 11% of convictions for sex offenses and 34% of convictions for rape.”

Or worrying data from Germany:

“… in 2017 and 2018, more than a third of the suspects … were non-Germans. For all sexual-abuse cases, the share of non-German suspects rose from 15% in 2014 to 23% in 2016, 2017 and 2018, and 21% in 2019 … In Germany’s crime statistics, the term zuwanderer, or “newcomers,” was used until 2016 to identify suspects who were asylum applicants, failed asylum seekers and illegal residents. This definition was expanded in 2017 to include successful asylum seekers. From 2017 to 2019, zuwanderer accounted for between 10% and 12% of sex-crime suspects, and around 16% of suspects for rape, sexual coercion and sexual assault in especially serious cases. It is unlikely zuwanderer accounted for much more than 2% of the population”

Or data from Austria:

“crimes or offenses against sexual integrity and self-determination increased by 53% between 2015 and 2018. Between a quarter and a third of suspects were foreign, but in 2018 only 19.4% of the population was foreign-born. Between 4% and 11% of the suspects were asylum seekers; the share of the population born in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria—among the largest sources of asylum seekers—was only 1.2%”

Or Sweden:

“In the absence of official statistics, the Swedish newspaper Aftonbladet reviewed the gang-rape cases heard in Swedish courts between July 2012 and December 2017. Of the 112 men convicted, it found that three-quarters were foreign-born (almost all of those from outside Europe), and 30% were asylum seekers.”

Or Britain, where the tendency to downplay or ignore this issue was reflected in the appalling “grooming scandal”, which involved the industrial-scale rape and sexual abuse of thousands of young white girls by Pakistani men.

As Matt Goodwin has written on this Substack:

“The grooming scandal paints a very different picture of modern Britain —a place where members of a minority group oppress and exploit children from the majority, and where white liberals clearly have no interest in coming to save them.

From Rotherham to Telford, Oldham to Rochdale, Oxford to Peterborough, it’s the same story —social workers, councillors, teachers, politicians, and police ignoring or downplaying the scandal because of fears of being called ‘racist’, because they did not believe it, or because members of their community were implicated.

From one town to the next, the desire to not violate anti-racism taboos, to not be seen as politically correct and to conform to the elite consensus was routinely prioritised above ensuring the safety of children and, ultimately, upholding the law.

There has been widespread discussion about the fact that these crimes were not investigated because the police were concerned they would be accused of being “racists” if they were honest about the ethnicity of the male perpetrators.”

As a recent female graduate of one of the most elite universities in the country, my friends and I have listened to more #MeToo talks on consent and “toxic masculinity” than most people have had hot dinners.

But, sadly, I know, as many of my friends do, that violence, including sexual violence, against women and girls in Western democracies is now a huge issue.

Yet not one of my university professors or workshops ever addressed the enormous elephant in the room, which now faces women like me across the West.

This is the fact that many crimes are perpetrated by a specific demographic: male asylum seeker, often Muslim, who in the left’s identity politics matrix get a free pass.

We spent much of the last decade talking about the “#MeToo” movement. But today, shockingly, nobody in the elite class wants to talk about how mass immigration and illegal migration are undermining the rights of women and girls like me.

I don’t want to be called a “racist” or “Islamophobe” for pointing out the truth that’s staring us all in the face, that’s staring young women like me in the face.

And I don’t want to have to write an anonymous blog to be able to talk about these things —I should be able to say them out loud, and join a national debate.

The established class, on both Left and Right, have let me and my female peers down.

We have a right to feel safe in our own country.

The only question I would ask members of that elite class is this.

Are you even listening?

And do you even care?

Matt Goodwin’s Substack goes to more than 55,700 subscribers from 167 countries around the world and thousands of paying supporters who support our work. Like our stuff? Then help us expand by becoming a paid supporter and access everything —the full archive, exclusive posts, polling, leave comments, join the debate, get discounts, advance notice about events, and the knowledge you’re supporting independent writers who are not afraid to push back against the grain. You can also join us on YouTube, Instagram, TikTok, Twitter/X and Facebook.

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Earlier this year, I asked an anonymous, right-leaning twenty-something member of Gen-Z to write a column on how they see the state of our politics and country. That column went viral and subsequent pieces have become some of our most read. For that reason, I asked Anon Zoomer to keep writing for us on a regular basis. Here’s their latest.

I recently graduated from one of Britain’s most prestigious universities. But over the last year it’s become increasingly clear to me and many of my friends that despite amassing over £60,000 of debt for the privilege of joining the graduate class, we learnt very little of any genuine value at university.

Unless, that is, you count critical race theory, gender ideology, climate activism, and the ‘new religion’ of wokeness as having any genuine value outside of the increasingly narrow bubble that is filled with members of the liberal graduate class.

And I think this tells us much about shifting political allegiances in the West. At recent elections, many members of the liberal graduate class have watched in horror as large numbers of Zoomers, like me, have moved to the right, expressing support for Donald Trump in America, national populists in Europe, or Nigel Farage’s Reform.

As the Free Press recently noted, in regard to ‘Zoomers going MAGA’ in America:

“New polls show that the Gen Z vote, which Biden won by about 20 points in 2020, is now in play. A recent New York Times/Siena College survey—taken after Biden’s disastrous debate flop—puts Trump ahead of Biden by eight points among registered voters aged 18–29. And Pew research, conducted from February 1 to June 10, 2024, shows the GOP is leading among those under 30.”

But should all this really come as a surprise, given what Zoomers like me were forced to contend with while growing up? While at that prestigious university, for example, I was simply forced by my professors and lecturers to believe many untruths.

I was forced to believe that sex was not binary. I was told, ludicrously, I could be one of 72 genders. I was told that being white meant being racist. I was told that all of my ancestors were colonial oppressors and so, by default, was I.

This was also the time when climate activism on campus ramped up big time. Hero worshipping Just Stop Oil and their aggressive if not illegal tactics simply became a critical part of the university experience.

While Just Stop Oil’s illegal protests were considered legitimate, even fashionable, anybody who protested against Covid lockdowns was labelled ‘far-right’ —a term that students and professors lazily applied to everything to the right of the Labour Party.

Personally, I always thought university should be a time of questioning the established status quo and developing critical thinking skills. That is, after-all, why I enrolled. But applying these same skills to question the left wing orthodoxy that reigned supreme within the lecture hall and on campus was considered strictly off limits.  

And once I had finally left the stifling climate on campus I became truly aware of how us Zoomers have been completely screwed over by the mainstream system. My parents, for example, were married, with one child, and onto their second property at the same age that I am now, despite not coming from any kind of wealth at all.

But the reality, today, for Zoomers like me, is that I will likely never be able to afford my own house, nor will I ever be able to pay of my university debt faster than the interest on it grows. Almost half of my monthly salary now goes on rent, meaning it is virtually impossible for me to save any money at all.

There is a listlessness that my peers and I feel – that I think is borne from the fact that we simply do not ‘own’ anything, nor can we put roots down anywhere. We are neither the ‘Somewheres’ nor ‘Anywheres’ British writer David Goodhart talks about; we have neither the means to join the Somewheres by putting down roots nor the desire to join the continually mobile, hyper-liberal Anywheres who eschew these roots for a sort of hedonistic, bohemian, and hyper-individualistic ‘life’. We are simply trapped.

Despite the fact that I keep less and less of what I earn in Britain, life just …

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This is a guest post from an anonymous 25-year-old member of Gen-Z. They live in London. They work in Westminster. And they are utterly fed-up with the dire state of the country.

If you believe the polls then the Tory party is about to be completely rejected by my generation, Gen-Z, the members of which were born in the late 1990s and early 2000s.

Remarkably, just 5% of us are planning to vote Tory next month while a staggering 83% are planning to either vote Labour, Lib Dem, Green, or SNP.

But as one of those few right-leaning Zoomers, let me tell you —even that 5% figure is deeply misleading. Why?

Because, as Matt pointed out on Twitter/X, one enormous problem facing the Tories today is not just the remarkably low number of Zoomers who are planning to vote Conservative; it’s that the few Zoomer conservatives who do exist are also utterly fed-up and frustrated with the party and want to see it completely obliterated.

And why do they feel like this, exactly?

Well, consider my own story.

I'm writing this at 3am in the morning and I have less than four hours before I need to get up and start my morning routine for work.

But, once again, the neighbours who live downstairs, below my flat, have decided to have another all-night party. And unlike me, they don’t have to wake up for work.

Because, unlike me, they don’t have to work.

They qualify for social housing; their rent is subsidised by the large and rising amount of council tax I am forced to pay each month —on top of ruinous income taxes, national insurance contributions and student loan repayments.

The majority of the tenants in my housing block are unemployed; I see few of them leaving the house for work in the morning.

My interactions with them are limited to hostile glaring mixed in with the occasional attempted mugging. On the rare occasion I have female company I have to escort my dates to and from the bus stop to stop them being sexually harassed.

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What scraps of my salary the State allows me to keep are eaten up immediately by rent. I pay almost half my post-tax income to live on an ex-council estate in Zone 3, London, with the smell of weed continually hanging in the air.

Unless I achieve an income of more than £200,000 it will simply be impossible to secure a mortgage on a house the same size as the one my parents bought in 1989.

My friends work in high-powered finance and legal careers but, like me, struggle on with flatshares well into their late 20s, if not their early 30s.

They are spending the best decade of their life working until midnight seven days a week for the chance to attain the same middle-class lifestyle their parents achieved much earlier in life.

The reward for being wildly successful financially in 2024? To live in a semi-detached house that was built for unskilled professionals in inner London a century ago.

And that’s not all …

If I decide to have children, which you might think ought to be encouraged given the demographic crisis facing Western nations like Britain, I will have to contend with extortionate childcare costs, or deprive my household of a second income.

Renting a three-bedroom flat in a safe part of London will cost in excess of £3,000 a month; my children will have to grow up in far more cramped conditions than I did, most likely having to share a room and perhaps dodging stray bullets.

The only feasible route out of this incredibly depressing situation is to leave the city I grew up in and commute two hours both ways from a town I have no local connection to —where I have no friends or family living nearby.

Even with cheaper housing, I will still have to send my kids to local schools where they will be bombarded with relentless propaganda about how to ‘change their gender’, acknowledge their ‘whiteness’, and apologise for the British Empire.

It is certainly true that previous generations of young people faced more challenging circumstances. I am not (yet) being asked to walk across No Mans Land and into a sea of barbed wire and machine guns.

But it is one thing being asked to suffer for a cause like liberty in Europe, or to grimace through destitution because of seemingly uncontrollable events like the Wall Street Crash. It is quite another to be economically enslaved to the point of infertility to sustain a growing population of resentful dependents. 

And I am one of the lucky ones. 

Consider some of the other trends …

Most of the people I know from my university days are still stuck in their childhood bedrooms. If their parents happen to be from London, they can still commute in and enjoy access to the best job market in the country.

But if their parents do not happen to live a commutable distance from London then they are geographically chained to where they grew up.

Aside from a few other cities like Leeds, Manchester and Bristol, this freezes them out of the vital years in their early-to-mid 20s when they could be building a career.

I think of those people when I have to step over littered dirty nappies, smashed bottles, needles, and homeless people on the way to my Tube station every morning.

The reality is while I’m supposedly ‘lucky’ to live in London it is often a truly grim experience. Londoners talk much about the wonders of ‘diversity’ but in reality I live in a neighbourhood where few people speak English and most of us just hunker down, quietly turning away from one another and into our own worlds.

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The reality of my housing estate reflects the fact that, today, more than 47% of social housing in London is headed by a foreign-born household. 

Which raises a question that my friends and I routinely ask. Why are immigrants, many of whom are out of work, being subsidised to live somewhere that hardworking, honest, and dynamic British graduates like ourselves, who are playing by the rules, are being actively priced out of? On what planet, in what galaxy, is this fair?

London’s Labour Mayor, Sadiq Khan, meanwhile, is busy buying up the limited remains of the private housing market and converting it to social housing.

Mainstream commentators and politicians offer no pushback to this —except for the rare few counter-cultural writers like Matt, who has discussed these issues.

But most do not, keenly aware of the social norms and elite gatekeepers in media and politics who govern what can and cannot be discussed in our ‘national conversation’.

It could be cowardice, of course. Being seen to oppose social housing opens you to accusations of social cleansing. But, more likely, it is ignorance, as most of the people who have prominent platforms in media, politics and the institutions are insulated financially from the vagaries of the rental sector. Just look at our media class.

Whatever the reason, young, productive, and hardworking people are being made to shoulder yet another financial burden in service of other demographic groups, and this outrage amongst outrages passes by without opposition, wordlessly. 

And as dreadful as this situation already is, it is now clear heading into the 2024 election that both of the two main parties are set on making it even worse.

Mass immigration is being used to prop up our expanding welfare state by depressing wages in the NHS and social care —services which are used far more by the elderly.

At the same time, it is raising demand for already scarce housing - made scarcer by older people assiduously blocking permissions for housebuilding in their local area.

The gerontocracy which we have stumbled into is coherent only in the sense that every aspect of it inevitably conspires to depress the living standards of young people like me. We are being screwed on multiple fronts at the same time.

Also completely absent from this election campaign so far is any discussion of the permanent harm of extended lockdowns to my generation’s living standards.

Up to £410bn of debt has been accrued, a fiscal chain which will be hanging around our necks until my generation is permitted to retire, at the tender age of 89.

The suggestion that pensioners, whose lives the lockdowns were supposed to protect, should have to shoulder this burden fiscally, is slapped away.

Instead, pensioners, who already have more disposable income than working age people, are being pitched a targeted tax cut as part of a new ‘Quadruple’ lock by a Conservative Party that is desperate to avoid electoral catastrophe.

This is complemented by inane chest-thumping about conscription, sold by hapless Conservative politicians as a way of building back the ‘community cohesion’ they have systematically wrecked by presiding over relentless mass immigration —which is the very opposite of what they promised their own voters in 2019.

In truth, it’s an attempt to play to a deeper prejudice about the young —the blanket stereotype we are all lazy, feckless and infantile, in need of a dose of military style discipline to peel us away from the iPads and avocado toast.

This sham macho patriotism would be less offensive if it was espoused by my great-grandparent’s generation, who really did endure war and peacetime rationing.

But to hear the Baby Boomers who wrecked the country they inherited opine about the selfishness of today’s youth is truly galling.

Labour’s fiscal redistributions, meanwhile, are more subtle but just as pernicious.

Rachel Reeves’s plan to give the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) a ‘fiscal lock’ over tax and spending commitments will permanently entrench higher taxes and higher spending as an incorrigible fact of economic policy.

Keir Starmer has also denounced the Tories for attempting to cut National Insurance - a tax which pensioners do not pay.

Violence, meanwhile, which disproportionately harms young men, continues to spiral out of control. The Conservative Party oversees a government which instructs Police Officers to not arrest criminals for which there is no space in the prisons for.

Spiralling car theft, enabled by illegal immigration, makes insurance completely unaffordable for young, newly qualified drivers such as myself.

And more destruction is on the horizon.

Senior Labour figures like David Lammy call for ‘BAME’ (Black and Minority Ethnic) Community Courts, to reduce the number of young black men sent to prison.

The Labour party’s New Race Equality Act is likely to impose the recording of, amongst other things, the ‘ethnicity disciplinary gap’ in public services, another example of how a Labour government plans to mainstream woke ideology.

This will make it harder for managers to fire BAME employees for poor performance and misconduct; complementing their already privileged access to careers and universities through existing diversity schemes, which have been shown to prioritise minorities and often at the expense of white working-class kids, like me.

Diversity schemes are about ‘access’, giving a leg up to BAME individuals at the start of their career and at the expense of young White British people, such as myself.

White, middle-aged professionals, who clamour most for ‘diversity’ at work, never consider for a second they are pulling up the ladder which once enabled them to enjoy a comfortable career. Again, it’s simply expected that Britain’s Zoomers will pay the cost of this social engineering and offer no objection at all.

In 1999, after the Stephen Lawrence report was released, the broadcaster and journalist Andrew Marr wrote that it was time that institutions “seriously ask themselves how eagerly porous they are to black people”, calling for the government to look abroad to countries like South Africa as a guide for improving diversity.

For his part, Andrew’s career went from strength to strength - a year later he would become Political Editor of the BBC, presumably at the expense of an equally competent black candidate. He was convinced very much of the need for diversity in the abstract, but not to the extent he’d consider sacrificing his own career interests.

This is the privilege afforded to privately educated White liberals, like Andrew, who can afford to indulge in high-minded contemplation about the need for institutions to become more ethnically representative. Whose own children will be protected from the sharper end of diversity quotas by nepotistic networks and inherited wealth.

It is people like me, meanwhile, who suffer the consequences of his puerile virtue-signalling among the Luxury Belief Class —young, white, men who play by the rules, who pay their own way, but who are still completely screwed in one area of our national life to the next, from housing to what we call our ‘national culture’.

A rebuttal you will often hear to these points is that young people are, according to polling, in favour of their own ruination. They support mass immigration more than older voters. They are more likely to vote for Labour and the liberal left. And they were much less likely to have voted for Brexit.

Much of this is true, though it routinely overstates the case. Many young Zoomers know that something is profoundly wrong. But the only brand of youth politics that has been made available to them is Corbynism, a more aggressively redistributive brand of our existing, post-Brexit social democratic consensus.

All it will deliver is an even bigger state, even higher taxes, even more debt, even more immigration, even more obsession with Net Zero, even more corrosive identity politics, even more spending on pensions and welfare. None of these prescriptions will help the patient recover, in fact, all of them will hasten his death.

Yet elsewhere, outside of Britain, young people are beginning to wake from this slumber. National populist parties, such as Marine Le Pen’s National Rally in France, enjoy more support from the under-35s than any other age category.

In Canada, too, this change has found a milder expression in Pierre Poilievre, who is likely to sweep to power in 2025 on a platform of immigration cuts and increased housebuilding to relieve young Canadians from an overheated housing market.

But, currently, no such political formation exists in Britain.

Both of our main parties still compete to be the party of the pensioner. This might be because of our first-past-the-post system and the geographical distribution of older voters; but it could also be because the right politician has not yet found a way to articulate the concerns of the trampled, shrinking minority of working-age Britons, like me, who obey the law while contributing meaningfully to society.

Whoever has the courage and intellectual capacity to capitalise on their growing resentment will be blessed with a movement consisting of capable, energetic, young people who currently have little stake in the system and are sick of being exploited.

As a Zoomer, as a member of Gen-Z, I look at the two big parties as relics from a bygone era; two seemingly indistinguishable movements that are propped up, weakly as they are, by vanishing memberships and outmoded ideologies, dragged down by their joint enterprise in the destruction of this country.

So, unsurprisingly, I will not be voting Tory on July 4th, and nor will many of my otherwise conservative-inclined Zoomer friends.

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