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In recent weeks, much of Westminster has been telling itself a comforting story. The Labour Party and, to a much lesser extent, the Tories are back. Nigel Farage and Reform UK have stalled. Zack Polanski and the Greens have imploded. Two-party politics is being restored. And the political establishment can finally breathe again.

And, to be fair, the latest polls give them reason to believe it.

Yesterday, Ipsos put Labour on 32% — its highest share with the pollster since the 2024 general election — giving it an eight-point lead over the Tories, who have themselves overtaken Reform UK to reclaim second place in this particular poll.

Part of the explanation — as I pointed out a few weeks ago — is that Andy Burnham is gradually rebuilding Labour’s coalition, winning back Green voters and people who supported Labour in 2024, before drifting away under Keir Starmer. This is helping push Labour above 30% and fuelling speculation of a snap general election.

At the same time, the Tories appear to be stemming some of their electoral losses to Reform UK. This time last year, YouGov reported that 28% of the people who voted Tory in 2024 had switched to Reform; today, that figure is down to 23%.

These shifts are small. But they are still being seized upon by a political and media establishment that remains heavily invested in the Uniparty and is desperate for a return to the familiar ‘Labour versus Tory’ contest.

This narrative suits several interests: pro-Tory newspaper editors eager for a Tory revival; the Tory elite class that retains considerable influence across British media; and Labour strategists who understand that a partial Tory recovery further divides the Right. For different reasons, they all have an interest in pushing the narrative that normal service is being resumed.

But just as Andy Burnham was beginning to rally the Left, Kemi Badenoch and the Tories were starting to show at least some signs of a recovery, and the establishment was being given reason to relax, Burnham just reached for the very issue that shattered the political establishment and its comforting assumptions before.

This weekend, Andy Burnham opened the door to Brexit Wars II and handed Nigel Farage his biggest opportunity for twenty years.

Yesterday, in the Sunday Times, Burnham called for an “honest discussion” about restoring the free movement of European Union migrant workers and nationals between Britain and the EU — only months after telling the good people of Makerfield that “the last thing we should do right now is rerun those arguments”.

That’s right. Free movement — the issue that drove an enormous wedge through British politics during the 2000s and the 2010s, pushing millions towards Brexit — is back on the agenda. And within hours, Labour minister Angela Rayner reinforced the message, declaring that nothing should be “off the table”.

Read between the lines.

Labour is rolling the pitch for a snap general election, potentially before the year is out. Burnham is reaching out to Britain’s left-leaning, socially liberal, urban middle-classes with an offer designed to draw them back into Labour’s coalition.

Much closer ties with the EU, if not rejoining. Doubling down on mass immigration by restoring the free movement of EU workers into Britain. Establishing new migration routes, including from Afghanistan and Gaza. Softening immigration restrictions. Adopting an electoral system of proportional representation, which tends to produce more left-wing governments. And prioritising social care.

Taken together, they’re all part of Labour’s effort to squeeze the Greens, the Liberal Democrats, win back disillusioned 2024 Labour voters and consolidate the Left before a divided Right can unify and pose any kind of electoral threat.

But while the liberal middle-classes are cheering, for Andy Burnham, Labour and the entire establishment there is a clear and present danger lurking beneath the strategy.

By concentrating on middle-class liberals who look, sound and think like them, Labour politicians risk repeating the same mistake that brought the establishment crashing down before Brexit: mistaking their own comfortable consensus for the settled will of the country. Beyond it are millions of voters who feel ignored, betrayed, and angrier than they were a decade ago.

I’m talking about millions of people who still want much lower immigration, controlled borders, and a government that treats their desire for these things as entirely legitimate and respectable, rather than something to be overcome.

Ignoring and insulting these voters was the establishment’s first big mistake. As a young academic, in 2013, I wrote a book warning that their anger and alienation would soon fuel a major backlash against Westminster.

That backlash arrived with Nigel Farage and the UK Independence Party’s breakthrough, in 2014, and then shook the establishment to its very foundations when the silent majority voted for Brexit, two years later.

That book highlighted the trends that would go on to reshape British politics. It explained why millions of ordinary people felt ‘left behind’ by the narrow liberal consensus that still dominates BBC-Westminster Land.

Economically, people left behind by globalisation and multinational corporations that undercut British workers. But culturally, too, they felt cut adrift by mass immigration, state multiculturalism, and a socially liberal establishment that was openly dismissive of their strong attachments to family, community, and country.

The establishment failed to see that revolt coming because its members increasingly live among, worked with and listened to people who share their assumptions. From inside their cosy liberal enclaves, their outlook looked like common sense. But they mistook agreement in SW1 and Oxbridge for agreement across Britain. The end result is what we saw in 2016: millions of voters overturning this narrow consensus.

Andy Burnham is now repeating that same mistake.

By pushing to restore free movement, he makes Labour and much of Westminster look, once again, like a political class addicted to mass migration.

Rather than get millions of British people off welfare and back to work, including one million youngsters who have been thrown onto the scrapheap, they reach for even more migrant workers from overseas. Rather than fix Britain’s broken economy, they would rather have British workers undercut by even more foreign workers.

In doing so, Andy Burnham is now handing Nigel Farage his biggest opportunity for a decade - a huge opportunity to speak for British workers who have had enough. Only this time around, ten years from the vote for Brexit, there are three crucial differences.

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Every Friday morning, paid supporters join me live to look back on the week and ahead to the next. My goal is simple: to bring them up to speed with the latest evidence and a counter-cultural view they might not have considered.

If they cannot make the discussion, they still get the full video, clips, and transcript a couple of hours later so they do not miss anything. With rumours of an early general election in the UK, crunch elections approaching in France, and much of our work being validated by events it’s a great time to join us!

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Europe’s political and media elites are hiding the truth about the riots in France.

They’re not only trying to conceal the scale of the disorder — with the BBC being lampooned for describing it as “mostly peaceful” — but the root cause.

They want you to think this is mainly about schools, education, and spending cuts. Or, perhaps Iran and Russia stoking the chaos.

But in reality it is about something else entirely.

What we are witnessing is a highly-coordinated, deeply ideological, and increasingly effective war against not just France but the West more widely.

At the heart of this revolutionary war — as columnist Melanie Phillips pointed out in The Times yesterday — is the so-called “Red-Green alliance”.

An unholy collaboration between far-left extremists, Islamists, and the Palestinian movement. This movement became unavoidable after the October 7th attacks, in 2023, as it spilled onto the streets of many Western cities.

But since then the Palestinian cause has morphed into a rallying point for an array of revolutionary communist, anarchist, Islamist, and anti-capitalist groups that do not merely want an end to conflict and suffering in the Middle East.

What they want is to dismantle or ‘deconstruct’ the West — as symbolised by the ‘ultra left militant’ who has just been arrested for burning down the historic Limoges city hall.

While peaceful protestors have certainly hit the streets, few leaders want you to look seriously at what lies at the core of the riots.

Here’s what you probably won’t hear on tightly-controlled debates on the BBC. Of an estimated fifty groups that have been involved in the protests, one digital study suggested that only 15 are student groups.

The rest? An assortment of radical left-wing unions, communist, anarchist, and Palestinian advocacy groups that are using the protests to advance a much broader revolutionary war against the West.

They do not really talk about schools at all. Instead, they demand the overthrow of capitalism, ‘imperialism’, ‘white privilege’, neoliberalism, and the West.

They are the offspring of the failed experiment with communism, before 1989, and the post-colonial, neo-Marxist, and critical race theories that have been trickling out of Western universities into wider society ever since.

Today, they are ruthless exploiting a West that has become dangerously divided, deluded, and demoralised, unable to fend off not only external enemies like Iran and China but internal enermies, too.

Through sheer incompetence and ideological extremism, politicians in the West have put this Red-Green alliance on turbo-charge by presiding over the disastrous policies of mass uncontrolled immigration, broken borders, an official state policy of multiculturalism that discourages second and third generation migrants in Europe from integrating, and by appeasing Hamas and Islamists in the Middle East.

But even worse, Western elites have also taken a sledgehammer to their own foundations, making it much easier for their enemies to thrive and multiply.

Increasingly, over the last century, political, media, cultural, and educational elites have trained young Westerners to hate their own civilisation — to reject their own culture, their own nation, their own home.

Young people rioting on the streets of Paris, Marseilles, Limoges — and now Italy, Belgium, Spain, and Portugal — do not only reflect the failures of mass migration and integration; they are also showing us, through their actions, the failure of Western elites to give them any sense of attachment and loyalty to their own nation.

Western leaders have been shocked by the extent to which the young have turned against their own. But they shouldn’t have been. Because this revolutionary war started long ago — and Western elites helped set the stage for it themselves.

It was in the early 1990s when …

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Last night, I watched President Emmanuel Macron try to explain why France has descended into absolute chaos.

Buildings destroyed. Shops ransacked. Police officers attacked. Historic landmarks - like Limoges city hall, which had stood for 150 years — burned to the ground. And more than 1,800 people arrested.

Personally, I found Macron deeply unconvincing. While holding the lowest approval rating of his entire presidency, with just 15% of the French people thinking favourably of him, he offered no thoughts on what lies behind the riots or any concrete solutions.

And then I found my mind wandering to another question: with a huge presidential election only six months away, who will benefit politically from the current chaos?

The only answer it seems to me is Marine Le Pen.

For a start, just look at the polls. Even before the current carnage, Le Pen, leader of the National Rally, had already emerged as the clear favourite.

In the first round of what is a two-round election, Le Pen was already forecast to finish well ahead of everybody else, attracting more than one in three voters. And at the second round? She’s currently forecast to defeat every other candidate.

If there’s a second round run-off between Le Pen and the far-left firebrand, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who has openly embraced the riots, the polls suggest it will not be close at all. The latest, by polling company Elabe, puts Le Pen on 69% of the vote.

Le Pen was already in a strong position.

But now the violence, the chaos, and a profound sense of insecurity among the French people is handing her an enormous opportunity to consolidate it.

“We are experiencing a profound crisis of confidence and authority,” Le Pen said yesterday. France, she warned …

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If you ever wanted to know why so many British people feel such a strong sense of unfairness then consider two brand new findings.

Together, they not only throw light on just how broken Britain is but explain why countless British workers feel like second-class citizens.

First, a new study by the Centre for Social Justice examined the growth in payroll jobs between the years 2014 and 2025. And shockingly, it found that four in every five jobs did not go to the British people but overseas workers.

That’s right.

Between 2014 and 2025, approximately 3.7 million jobs were added to payrolls in Britain. But only around 734,000, just one in five, went to British nationals.

EU nationals accounted for an additional 408,000, while payroll jobs held by non-EU nationals increased by approximately 2.5 million.

What does this show?

The extent to which the political class in Westminster — whether Labour or Tory — is now utterly addicted to importing and prioritising cheap migrant workers while writing their own British people off.

Just look at the last five years.

Since 2020, the number of payroll jobs going to migrant workers from outside Europe increased by roughly 2.1 million, while at the very same time the number of people on out-of-work benefits in this country rose by … 2.3 million.

Here’s what the report concludes:

“Britain has practised a form of ‘human quantitative easing importing workers to expand headline GDP while allowing millions of people already here to drift away from the labour market”.

In other words, what we are now living under is a political regime in Westminster that is seemingly happy to consign millions of its own British people — including many of our young people — to welfare dependency while at the same time importing masses of migrant labour to fill whatever holes there are in the labour market.

And while all this is utterly disgraceful, reflecting how the ruling class is no longer interested in prioritising the British people or upholding the social contract, it is just one-half of the story.

Here’s the second bombshell finding:

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There is a LOT of chatter in Westminster right now about two opinion polls that have put the Tories ahead of Reform for the first time in two years. It is way too early to talk about a trend and there is still vast amounts of space for Reform UK. But it is also clearly true that the polls are tightening. So we need to ask important questions about what is going on. The wider environment in British politics remains VERY favourable for an anti-establishment, anti-immigration and patriotic party. Public concern about mass immigration is strong. The cost-of-living crisis is spiralling out of control. The borders remain wide open. There is a national security emergency. Millions of people remain visibly distrustful of the political and media class. And both Labour and the Tories are now openly prioritising middle-class voters — leaving many blue-collar patriots and conservatives feeling abandoned. Yet, at the same time, as I explained last night, there’s no denying the fact the polls have tightened. So we need to be honest about that — and we need to talk about it. What’s going on? Ahead of last night’s live discussion with our paid supporters, I crunched a lot of polls, surveys, and research reports and in the full video I share my views about what’s going on with the hope of sparking a constructive debate. I consider myself a patriot who just wants to help. As always, let me know YOUR thoughts.

Here’s one clip from our full discussion:

And here’s another short clip from the full discussion in which I talk through the available space for an anti-establishment party in Western politics:

Paid supporters can find the full video below.

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Well, it’s happened. Yesterday, for the first time since 2024, the Tories have moved ahead of Reform UK in a national poll.

The survey by YouGov puts Labour in the lead, on 24%, followed by the Tories on 23%, and then Reform in third place, on 21%. Is it a rogue poll? Today, another poll by More In Common found the same, also putting the Tories ahead of Reform.

Clearly, one or two polls do not establish a trend. But this does raise an important question. Why is Reform slipping in the polls?

For more than two years, one of the big stories in British politics has been Reform replacing the Tories as the dominant force on the right.

We tracked this process in detail. We were the first to see it coming. We undertook the most detailed studies of Reform party voters. And much of what has happened is what we predicted two years ago.

But now Reform’s advance has stalled. Over the last eighteen months, between Reform winning the local elections in May 2025 and today, the party’s average level of support in the polls has fallen from 30% to 23%.

The wider environment hasn’t really changed.

The British people haven’t stopped feeling concerned about immigration. They haven’t stopped worrying about the broken borders. They haven’t stopped struggling with the rising cost-of-living. They haven’t stopped feeling anxious about criminality. And they haven’t stopped distrusting the establishment.

If anything, public demand for an anti-establishment, anti-Westminster, anti-immigration party like Reform remains strong.

Just look across Europe. Similar parties are thriving. They are winning elections or on the verge of doing so.

But despite this favourable climate Reform has been slipping in the polls. I’ve looked at the latest polls and five key points stand out to me.

First, Reform is losing a significant number of its original supporters.

Last year, in May 2025, roughly 95% of the people who had voted for Nigel Farage and Reform UK at the most recent general election, in 2024, remained loyal to the party.

At least until the start of this year, they were fully committed.

They were enthusiastic. They were supportive of Reform. And they were fully on board with the mission to overturn the old parties in Westminster.

But then the zeal began to dwindle. This month, YouGov suggests that figure of 95% has fallen to 68%. This a major shift and the party needs to address it.

Second, there’s been significant fragmentation on the Right.

More than one-quarter of Reform’s original supporters have now defected to a rival right-wing party - albeit for differing reasons.

Last May, in 2025, just 3% of Reform’s voters had switched to the Tories. Today, 17% have. Nearly one in five people who voted Reform in 2024 have switched to the Tories.

At the same time, Reform has been weakened on another flank.

Roughly one in ten Reform voters, according to YouGov, have moved further right to Restore — a rival party that was established by former Reform MP Rupert Lowe.

When Restore voters were asked why they had switched to the party, they said (1) they think Restore is ‘the only party that is being honest about the issues facing Britain’, (2) they trust Restore to deal with the specific issue of immigration, (3) they personally like Rupert Lowe, and (4) ‘they are the only people to stand up for people like me’.

Another polling company, Opinium, has found much the same. Nearly one in ten of Reform’s original voters are now planning to vote for “some other party” and of these some 82% are planning to vote for Rupert Lowe and Restore Britain.

So, unlike eighteen months ago, Reform is now being squeezed on two flanks at the same time, which helps to explain why it’s declined in the national polls.

But these two flanks are not the same size. Far from it. Reform is currently losing …

… nearly twice as many of its 2024 voters to the Tory party as the number it’s losing to Restore. And this does point to future opportunities, however difficult things are now.

Looking ahead, the pool of potential support for Reform among Tory voters is roughly eleven times larger than it is among Restore.

If Reform won over every Restore voter — which is unlikely given that only 36% of Restore voters say they would vote tactically for Reform — it would gain 2-points.

If Reform won over just one in ten Tory voters it would add nearly 3-points. And if it won over one in five Tory voters it would add nearly 5-points.

This isn’t to say that appealing to Restore voters should not be a priority. Of course it should. It’s just to say there are many more votes for Reform to harvest by focusing on disillusioned Tories. Why are Tories not switching to Reform? I’ll come back to that.

Third, the coalition of voters that initially propelled Reform to the forefront of British politics — and which it needs if it is to become the largest right-wing party at the next general election — is now fracturing in significant ways.

Reform is not losing support evenly. Its decline is concentrated …

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This weekend, I joined a debate about the future of British politics at the Cliveden Literary Festival, where I was asked a question that many people within the establishment stop asking. Should Britain rejoin the European Union?

The debate is back because of what’s happening in Westminster. In recent weeks, Labour Prime Minister Andy Burnham refused to rule out rejoining the EU and blamed Brexit for our economic problems and inability to manage immigration.

Then, last night, The Times reported that Burnham is “leaving the door open” to rejoining the EU without even offering the British people a referendum — a move that opinion polls suggest would be opposed by nearly two-thirds of the country.

At Cliveden, Labour MP Jess Phillips and even our moderator, Emily Maitlis, made the case for rejoining. But my answer was different and direct.

No - we should not.

Rejoining makes little economic and political sense. Taking Britain back in would be another almighty betrayal of the British people that would further weaken our democracy, fuel mistrust, and break the social contract.

Something I’ve always found striking is the extent to which Rejoiners, who claim to be the most globally-minded and politically sophisticated, appear to be completely out-of-step with what is actually happening within the European Union today.

They remain stuck in a 2000s time warp. But anybody who has actually been watching events closely knows that the EU is not the same club that it was in 2016. Far from it. Their comforting image of a stable, united, prosperous, and politically left-leaning or centrist organisation simply no longer exists.

Somehow, the same Rejoiners who are seemingly horrified by the return of Nigel Farage and the direction of British politics have not noticed how, over the last decade, the EU has become even more more volatile, populist, and restless than Britain.

Openly nationalist and instinctively Eurosceptic parties are not just on the rise but leading many more EU member states than they were a decade ago. Today, they’re leading the polls in Germany, Austria, Italy, Romania, and Portugal, among others.

Politics is also moving rightwards in Spain, where recent scenes of border chaos in Ceuta were transmitted across Europe — including to voters in Britain who are far more sceptical of immigration today than they were in 2016. In France, similarly, it’s not just plausible but likely Marine Le Pen will be the next president, helped by the fact that nihilistic violence, stoked by left-wing parties, is now ravaging the country.

Wherever one looks — from the Alternative for Germany winning state elections to mass protests in Spain, chaos in France, and unrest spreading to Belgium — the social contract across the EU appears to be teetering on the verge of collapse. The EU does not look stable. It does not like secure. And it does not look particularly enticing. The EU that the likes of Emily Maitlis and Jess Phillips want to rejoin is in open revolt.

The legitimate concerns that fuelled Brexit a decade ago — over immigration, borders, sovereignty, identity, and a glaring lack of democratic accountability within the EU - are now rapidly spreading across the continent.

In 2016, Britain’s elite assumed Brexit would push the EU away from conservatism to rally round a liberal progressive, globalist utopia. But they were wrong. If anything, voters across the EU are moving towards the instincts that united Brexit voters.

Just look at immigration and identity.

While Britain’s dogmatic Rejoiners — think Emily Maitlis, Jess Phillips, Rory Stewart, Alastair Campbell — spend their time complaining about calls to restrict and reduce immigration, have they noticed what’s happening in Brussels and Strasbourg?

The EU just approved much tougher rules for immigration returns — including sending migrants who have no right to remain to processing hubs outside Europe.

At Cliveden, Rejoiners were spitting feathers about the Tory party’s ‘Rwanda plan’, which would have seen illegal migrants arriving in Britain processed in Africa.

Do they not know that Greece, Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, and Denmark are pressing ahead with plans to build deportation centres for rejected asylum-seekers in … Uganda and Rwanda? Arguments that were first made in Brexit Britain are now going mainstream across Europe. We were ahead of the curve, not behind it.

In several EU member states, furthermore, such as Austria, France, Germany, and Spain, right-wing parties that are topping the polls or close to doing so want to go even further by advocating a policy of ‘remigration’ — namely forcibly sending migrants back to their countries of origin.

And just last week, the European Parliament backed a motion to add Muslim Brotherhood to a list of banned terror groups, while openly warning about “Islamist entryism” and what is known as “double language”, whereby Muslims speak moderately in public debates but far more radically in mosques.

The political direction is unmistakeable. If one takes a long-term view it is clear the EU is moving away from the kind of globalist utopia Rejoiners want to see.

Nor is the EU an economic rescue boat.

Though you won’t hear it during BBC debates that are routinely packed with pro-EU voices …

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A lot of people joined our weekly live discussion last night. We discussed: bombshell revelations about the Green party campaign at the Gorton and Denton by-election earlier this year, which confirm what I argued; the Green party’s extremism and embrace of antisemitism at its conference this week; why there will be no Tory party recovery and what the profile of Tory MPs reveals; the latest opinion polls this week and what they tell us about why Andy Burnham is starting to pull ahead; the new obsession with middle-class progressives and the space that exists for Nigel Farage; the failures of the liberal consensus over the last thirty years;

Here’s a clip from our FULL one-hour discussion with our paid supporters who every single week can access the full video and transcript at their leisure:

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Paid supporters can join me every single week live on the Substack app. It’s just one of the many benefits of being one of our core supporters. Join us to get every single post, every episode of The Silent Majority podcast, join our group chat, get the full archive, and a reserved seat at our live discussions. Paid supporters can also find the full transcript from our latest Live discussion below.

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Not so long ago, at a packed-out event in North London, I found myself talking to an elderly Jewish woman about the future of Britain.

“If there’s not a change of direction in this country soon,” she said to me, “then I’m going to move to Israel.”

Naively, I asked whether she knew anybody else who was thinking the same way.

She looked at me, smiled politely, and then said: “Honey, everybody in this room is thinking this way.”

I’ve thought about that conversation a lot ever since. And I’ve thought about the question: what must it feel like to be a British Jew today?

To have watched the horrific massacre on October 7th, 2023, when 1,200 of your fellow Jews were brutally killed by the Islamist terrorist death-cult, Hamas.

To have then watched antisemitic attacks and harassment surge across the West. To watch Jewish schools and synagogues require extraordinary levels of security.

To watch thousands of your fellow citizens constantly march through the streets of London and other cities, calling for the destruction of Israel by chanting “from the river to the sea”, or openly displaying support for Hamas.

To watch the BBC downplay it all and our second city, Birmingham, essentially become a no-go zone for Jews.

To watch Hamas publicly praise Britain’s Labour government twice in as many years for becoming more opposed to Israel and essentially rewarding Islamists.

And now, this week, to watch a mainstream political party, represented in Parliament, vote to treat Zionism “as any other form of racism”, and endorse a single Palestinian state.

This is what Zack Polanski’s Green Party has just done.

They have ….

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It’s been an enormous week in British politics, with Labour Prime Minister Andy Burnham openly talking about re-joining the European Union, dramatically softening Labour’s stance on immigration, handing even more power to the United Nations, dismantling the Triple Lock and hitting British pensioners, and completely changing the election system to Proportional Representation.

In this week’s episode of The Silent Majority podcast, I tell you everything you need to know and explain why I think Burnham just made a HUGE mistake.

I talk through the contradiction that sits at the heart of Burnham’s project and why, when I was with him this week in the northern, Labour-held area of Doncaster, Nigel Farage was so enthusiastic about the next few months that may yet culminate in an earlier-than-expected general election.

NOTE: free subscribers can access the free preview but from this week only our paid supporters can access full episodes of the podcast along with the transcript below, our group chat, weekly live discussions with me, all posts, the full archive, and more.

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Here’s a clip from the FULL one-hour discussion with our paid supporters who can also access the full video and the transcript below the paywall:

Paid supporters can join us live every week on the Substack app. It’s just one of the many benefits our core supporters enjoy. We are restricting more of our content including posts, weekly episodes of The Silent Majority podcast, and discussions like this for our paid supporters. Why? Because their support allows us to keep expanding across social media and to do that we need a core group of committed supporters. So now is a great time to join us and help us speak up for the silent majority. Our paid supporters can also find the full transcript from last night’s discussion below.

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Labour’s Home Secretary, Shabana Mahmood, has just set the stage for yet another betrayal of the British people. That’s the only conclusion one can draw after listening to Shabana Mahmood’s speech at the Labour Party conference.

Because what Labour has put into motion is an entirely new wave of immigration that will further undermine our already weak economy, erode trust in our democracy, put British people at risk, and utterly transform what’s left of an already broken nation.

Before getting into the detail of Labour’s disastrous policy, a reminder.

The Labour Party has still not fixed Britain’s broken borders. It has not stopped the boats. It has not removed an estimated 1.5 million illegal migrants in Britain. It has not returned levels of legal immigration back to the sensible levels that were seen before Tony Blair and Labour fired the starting gun on mass immigration, in 1997.

And because of all this Labour has still not restored public trust and confidence in a system that is now so broken it is pushing rising numbers of British people into leaving the ballot box to join protests, demonstrations, and civil disobedience.

Yet despite failing to do all this, astonishingly, this week Andy Burnham’s Labour Party and Shabana Mahmood decided to put the narrow interests of their fanatical left-wing activists and Labour’s Muslim voters ahead of the interests of the country by announcing an entirely new wave of refugee migration from the Third World and a dramatic softening of current immigration policy.

Contrary to what every single opinion poll in Britain now shows, that a large majority of British people want immigration reduced, Shabana Mahmood’s extreme policy will now re-open and turbo-charge the UK Resettlement Scheme, importing as yet unknown numbers of refugees into Britain from Afghanistan, Gaza, and many other Third World nations. It will open immediately, with one-quarter of the first arrivals coming from Afghanistan and Palestine.

Britain, remember, has already taken in nearly 400,000 refugees from Ukraine and Hong Kong. Some 50,000 Afghans and refugees through resettlement programmes. Another 210,000 illegal migrants on the small boats. And, thanks to the Boriswave, has already added nearly 3 million mainly low-wage, low-skill migrants from outside Europe to its population - net - through legal schemes since 2021 alone.

But if the Boriswave has become known for imposing a policy of mass migration from outside Europe that nobody voted for, then Shabana Mahmood’s new policy — what we might call the Shabbywave — is about to put all this on steroids.

It will be characterised by a fresh wave of mainly low-skill, low-wage, poorly-educated and Islamic migrants and refugees from radically different cultures who will not only be allowed into Britain but put on a path towards permanent settlement.

That’s right. Despite Britain already giving permanent settlement to roughly 700,000 people since 2021 alone, and about to give it to millions more Boriswave migrants who arrived between 2021 and 2024, Labour will fast-track another wave of migrants from the Third World into receiving Indefinite Leave to Remain.

They will be allowed to stay in Britain permanently and have unfettered access to welfare benefits, housing, education, and more, all of which will be subsidised and paid for by … the British people.

Despite already having to pay roughly £600 billion to cover the costs of the Boriswave, with most of those arrivals being a net fiscal cost to the British state, the hardworking and long-suffering British people will now have to pay who knows how much for yet another wave of migration they never asked for.

My critics will say “the people who come will work, they will contribute”. Well, look at the evidence. When Denmark imported hundreds of Palestinians during the 1990s, the majority soon had at least one criminal conviction and most lived on welfare.

When Denmark then tracked what happened to their children, more than one-third also had at least one criminal conviction, with many more relying on welfare. And, meanwhile …

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Britain provided refuge to the senior bodyguard of the leader of Hamas. Then it gave him citizenship. And now he is accused of plotting a major terror attack against Jews.

Yes, you read that right.

Yesterday, thanks to The Sunday Times, we learned that Britain granted asylum and then citizenship to a former bodyguard of Hamas leader, Ismail Haniyeh, before that bodyguard went on to “plot” a major terror attack against Jews ahead of the second anniversary of the October 7th massacre.

“Mr X”, who has also been given anonymity, not only served in the personal security team of the leader of Hamas in Gaza but was given ‘refugee status’ despite people knowing he had worked for the Hamas leader, was the son of another senior Hamas official, and had already been arrested for operating a tunnel into Gaza.

Despite all of that, he was still, astonishingly, given sanctuary by the British state and able to operate under cover as an ‘IT consultant’ in England’s suburbs, where he is accused of collaborating with Hamas terrorists and plotting to attack Jewish community centres, Israeli diplomats, and pro-Israel demonstrations across Europe.

Cue the outrage.

For much of the last twenty-four hours, social media has been flooded with journalists, politicians, and members of the British public venting their outrage.

How could this happen? What on earth is happening to Britain? How could the British state have let this person slip through the net?

But you know what? I’m not surprised at all.

Because Britain, or more accurately the country’s ruling class, has been doing this for decades. Providing space and support to people who simply hate who we are.

If you read my last book, Suicide of a Nation, then you’ll be familiar with some of the most shocking examples.

Mohammed Emwazi or ‘Jihadi John’, who grew up in social housing in London, subsidised by the British people, and then returned their generosity by joining Islamic State and becoming one of their most well-known executioners.

Hani al-Sibai, the Egyptian ‘Islamic scholar’ and supporter of al-Qaeda who praised the 7/7 bombings as a “great victory” and was reported to be living in a five-bedroom London home while he and his wife received nearly £50,000 in welfare benefits.

Abu Hamza, the hook-handed Islamist, whose family live in a £1.7 million council house in Shepherd’s Bush, and have received thousands in welfare support.

Omar Bakri Muhammad, the Syrian-­born extremist cleric who became known as the ‘Tottenham Ayatollah’. Despite celebrating the 9/11 terror attacks, creating the extremist group Al-­Muhajiroun, calling for an Islamic state under Sharia law, and branding Britain ‘Dar al-­Kufr’ (“the land of the unbelievers”), the British state still gave him a council house in Tottenham and welfare benefits.

Anjem Choudary, the Islamist preacher who is alleged to have influenced more than one hundred Islamists in Britain, including Michael Adebolajo, one of two men who murdered and beheaded British soldier Lee Rigby, claimed welfare benefits while also instructing his followers to claim what he called “jihad-seeker’s allowance”.

And Abu Qatada, once described by a judge as Osama bin Laden’s “right-hand man in Europe”, who arrived in Britain and claimed asylum before becoming one of Britain’s most notorious extremist preachers. We supported him, too.

Here’s what I wrote earlier this year:

‘We have harboured those who hated us’, wrote Margaret Thatcher, in the shadow of the 9/11 Islamist attacks. ‘Tolerated those who threatened us and indulged those who weakened us’. Thatcher was absolutely right then, and she is right now.

Look around London and you will find countless examples of the ruling class harbouring, if not prioritising, newcomers and outsiders who hate us, threaten us and weaken us – all in the name of a warped, suicidal understanding of empathy.

The same mentality that allowed Pakistani Muslim rape gangs to operate for years now hands social housing, welfare, even passports to men who praise suicide bombings and dream of the destruction of our entire civilisation.”

And it’s still going on today.

Only a few days ago, we learned that Abu Hamza’s wife not only remains the sole registered occupant of their five-bedroom council house in Shepherd’s Bush but that the house is being refurbished at a cost of roughly £70,000 to … British taxpayers!

In other words, in only 48-hours the British people just learned they are subsidising a house makeover for the family of a convicted Islamist terrorist while the British state has just given out citizenship to a committed member of Hamas in Gaza who, by all accounts, appears hellbent on murdering Jews.

You could hardly invent a better metaphor for modern Britain. A state that is so woefully incompetent, a ruling class that is so drunk on the warped mindset of suicidal empathy, and a nation that is so committed to undermining its own survival, that it is directly supporting extremists who one day hope to destroy its civilisation.

And what makes all this even more depressing is just how long it’s been going on.

If anybody in Britain was surprised by the revelations in yesterday’s newspapers about senior Hamas operatives being given British citizenship then they have clearly not been following the research.

It has been twenty years since the courageous commentator Melanie Phillips released Londonistan, a book in which she describes, in detail, how Britain and its hapless ruling class allowed themselves to become a refuge for Islamist extremists.

The term ‘Londonistan’ was first coined by frustrated French officials who believed, with good reason, that Britain had become far too tolerant of extremists in London.

For her part, Melanie Phillips argued that a toxic combination of tolerance toward Islamists, a failed model of multiculturalism that encourages separation rather than integration, elite fears of being called “racist”, and declining confidence in British identity, had all collided to allow an Islamist subculture to develop within Britain.

She was, clearly, ahead of her time.

Today, we would describe the over-arching mentality that has taken hold of the ruling class in Britain and presided over these insane decisions as suicidal empathy.

It is what happens when empathy and compassion become fully detached from self-preservation, when tolerance is shown to those who do not tolerate us in return, and when the rights and welfare of outsiders becomes disconnected from the obligations and responsibilities they have to the nation that provides this support to them.

A serious country would not be granting citizenship to members of Hamas.

A serious country would not be handing out welfare to committed Islamists who seek to destroy our entire way of life.

A serious country would not allow its own charitable sector to be indirectly funding Islamist extremists.

And a serious country would not be doing something else — providing refuge to people who are entering the country illegally, on small boats, despite knowing they have included Iranian terrorists, ISIS sympathisers, and other people who hate us.

People like those three Iranian nationals who are currently facing National Security Act charges having been accused of assisting a foreign intelligence service and conducting surveillance connected to intended serious violence in Britain.

People like Rebwar Hamad who, after being convicted of terrorism offences in Italy, applied for a visa to return to Britain. When Britain declined, he paid some money, got into a small boat and came here anyway.

People like Abdelrahmen Adnan Abouelela, who before arriving in Britain illegally, being put into taxpayer-funded hotel accommodation, and sexually assaulting a woman in Hyde Park was accused of making bombs for the Muslim Brotherhood

And now, as we saw this weekend, five men who have been arrested near RAF Fairford on suspicion of preparing a terrorist act after three suspicious vehicles were reported heading towards the military base. Investigators are examining an Iranian connection and many people are asking: how did they get here, too? On the boats?

Whatever happens in the coming days, the question that everybody in Britain should be asking Westminster seems clear to me: why does the British state and the ruling class find it so difficult to distinguish between people who genuinely need our protection and people from whom we, the British people, need protecting?

Twenty years ago, Melanie Phillips and a few others bravely warned where this sick mentality would lead us. Yet instead of learning from it and acting accordingly, Britain’s ruling class has very clearly doubled down.

Every week, it seems to me, we read about seemingly endless examples of the ruling class extending tolerance to people who hate us, sanctuary to people who do not deserve it, and empathy to outsiders while showing no empathy to the British people.

I thought about that yesterday, as I watched our new Labour Prime Minister, Andy Burnham, criticise a lone British activist who has been prosecuted for trying to stop the small boats in the Channel while saying nothing at all about the 210,000 migrants who have entered Britain illegally and have not been prosecuted at all.

That is the deeper scandal. Not simply that dangerous extremists and Islamists have sometimes slipped through the net, but that the British state itself appears to have lost confidence in the very idea that its first duty is to protect the British people.

When does showing compassion turn into recklessness? When does tolerance morph into surrender? And when does offering outsiders sanctuary fundamentally conflict with a country’s ability to protect itself and its own people? These questions are all crucial and yet I cannot see anybody in Westminster even thinking about them.

We’ve had twenty years of warnings. Twenty years of one embarrassing revelation after another. How many more will it take before the British state finally starts doing its job by putting the safety of its own people first and no longer tolerating those who refuse to tolerate us in return?

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This week saw the arrival of a remarkably favourable climate for the Right of British politics. The arrival of undetected small boats for the first time in a year. The revelation that Britain is spending £12 billion a year on welfare payouts for foreign nationals. The spread of public protests about the border crisis. And growing public frustration over a distant and remote political class in Westminster. Yet, at the same time, a series of bombshell projections this week, based on the latest polls, suggest it’s the Right, not the Left, that is losing ground. They reveal what would likely happen if Britain held a general election tomorrow. And they do not point towards victory for the Right. In this week’s episode of The Silent Majority podcast, we break down the key points, the key trends, and what I really think is going on.

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Suddenly, Britain’s establishment has discovered that it needs British men.

In recent weeks, many people within the political and media class have warned that war might be coming and British men must prepare to fight and even die for Britain.

Boris Johnson has talked about sending troops to defend Ukraine from Russia. The Liberal Democrats have urged the government to establish an ‘emergency register’ of civilian volunteers who could be called upon to fight for Britain.

Government officials are updating Britain’s ‘war book’, preparing for the possibility of conflict by the end of the year. Britain’s most senior soldier, Sir Richard Knighton has warned that “the risks and threats to the UK are greater now than at any time since the Cold War”, having previously said, last year, that “we need more people being ready to fight for their country”.

And this week, while the BBC turned heads by asking, “war may be coming, are we psychologically ready?”, Tory MP Jacob Rees-Mogg caused a stir by saying:

“In the next few years, we may face a war. We will need people who will go out and do their duty. We may even face circumstances where people have to die to save their country as they did in the First and Second World Wars”.

But while the establishment is clearly gearing up for war, here’s a much bigger and more uncomfortable question it should ask first: Why should British men and boys be willing to fight and perhaps die for a country they feel will no longer fight for them?

I ask this because you cannot spend years demoralising British men, discriminating against them, weakening their sense of attachment to the nation, and undermining their stake in the future of that country only to then turn around and demand they ‘do their duty’ and get ready to risk their lives at war.

Yet that is precisely what the ruling class is now trying to do.

For much of the last twenty years, politicians have imposed two-tier policies that openly discriminate against the very men they are now telling to prepare for war.

The universities forcing British students to take ‘white privilege’ tests and apologise for Britain’s history and culture. The scholarships and studentships that openly exclude boys from the white working-class.

The taxpayer-funded media, like the BBC, which often use the British people’s own money to portray their history and identity as a source of ‘racism’ and shame.

The police that have introduced ‘race action plans’ that explicitly prioritise minorities over the majority, while implying many people in the latter are ‘racist’.

If there is a symbol of how much of the establishment think of British men then it is surely Henry Nowak, who was forced to deny he was ‘racist’ while dying in front of politically correct police officers and his murderers.

Global corporations like Netflix, meanwhile, use their immense cultural power to portray working-class lads, much like we’ve seen in the political debate ever since Brexit, as inherently problematic, “far-right”, “misogynists”, and “divisive”.

Even our own Armed Forces and security services have been caught discriminating against the very demographic group on which they might soon have to rely on.

The Royal Air Force was found to have …

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